The Influence Of Lobbying And Politics On Student Loan Legislation – We are pleased to offer course materials designed to help students understand how lobbying and advocacy influence public policymaking. Created by Harvard Kennedy School faculty member Mark Fagan, the materials include video lectures, podcasts, and simulation exercises and can be used independently or as a package.

As part of the course, students will explore the power of persuasion as well as the skills needed to build an effective advocacy campaign. Students also investigate ethics and regulation related to lobbying. The course concludes with a look at the future of lobbying.

The Influence Of Lobbying And Politics On Student Loan Legislation

Abstract: The 14 video lectures form the core of this course, covering a range of issues from the history of lobbying to industry regulation and lobbying in different geographies to the future of lobbying. The lectures are divided into five different modules. Each module contains a set of linked video lectures (ranging from 5 to 35 minutes in length).

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Synopsis: In this series of 3 podcasts, Professor Mark Fagan talks to leading practitioners in the lobbying field. In addition, students can watch a video tutorial by HKS Communications Program Director Jeff Seglin on how to create engaging op-eds.

The two simulation exercises in these materials deal with fictitious organizations and fictitious situations. They are designed to engage students in two different lobbying activities that help integrate the concepts, tools, and resources presented in the videos and podcasts and help students improve their lobbying skills.

All course materials, video lectures, podcasts, and simulations can be purchased as a bundle for the discounted price of $10. We have free inquiry journalism, so everyone can understand our world. Reader support helps us do this. Will you give today? ×

Andrew Prokop is a senior political reporter covering the White House, elections, political scandals and investigations. He has been with the site since its launch in 2014 and previously worked as a researcher in the New Yorker’s Washington bureau.

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According to official statistics, more than $3.3 billion was spent lobbying the US federal government in 2012. But as big as that number is, it’s a far cry from reality — because it only counts payments to actual registered lobbyists. Billions more go into Washington’s influence-peddling industry, including payments to “shadow lobbyists” who work to influence government policy despite not being registered at all.

Tim LaPira, a political scientist at James Madison University, has done research showing that the actual amount of money spent on lobbying is double that or more. “We’re talking about $7 billion in 2012,” he tells me, and “less than half of that is actually right.” LaPira is currently working on a book about revolving door lobbyists, and I spoke with him a few months ago about his research.

When Senate Minority Leader Tom Daschle (D) lost re-election in 2004, he left to work for the law firm Alston & Bird and later the much larger firm DLA Piper. But while these firms do extensive lobbying and government advocacy work, Daschle has never registered as a lobbyist.

That’s because lobbying disclosure laws only require registration under certain circumstances. “You should spend 20 percent of your time on behalf of one client in the quarter you’re reporting,” says LaPira. But such a narrow definition may exclude many people engaged in lobbying or advocacy work. “How often do you spend an entire day each week working on one project, for an entire quarter?” LaPira asks. “This is not the modern professional world.”

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LaPira believed there were many more examples than Daschle. During his research, he often looked for a particular registered lobbyist and found others doing similar things, except for unregistered ones. It made him wonder, how many unregistered lobbyists are out there?

So, LaPira counseled The site compiles an extensive directory of people working in jobs related to federal lobbying, including many who do not fit the law’s technical definition. LaPira bought their entire catalog of over 30,000 titles and pulled a fairly small random sample from it. He then conducted a Google-Seat Google-K “people survey” to try to “try to rebuild their resume.” The question he sought to answer, he says, “is a job that we can identify from their resume or their job title or the company they work for.” — do they engage in federal public policy? If so, we invite them. advocate of politics.’

What LaPira found was that of the people in the sample who did that work, “about half of them were registered with the lobby, half were not,” he says. He co-authored a paper on these findings with Herschel Thomas of the University of Texas at Austin, and wrote a post to the Sunlight Foundation to extrapolate further. He noted that because federal lobbying spending was about $3 billion annually, actual spending was more than double that.

LaPira notes that not all lobbyists do the same things. He has worked in a certain field for many years as what he calls a “regular” lobbyist and has become an expert in that field. They fiercely represent their clients’ interests, but they don’t represent clients in, say, the healthcare and energy sectors.

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For “revolving door” lobbyists—former government officials who have gone into the influence industry—it’s a different story. In another paper, LaPira and Thomas found that these lobbyists’ clients came from completely unrelated industries. “We interpret this as a revolving door lobby trading on its procedural knowledge, connections and access,” LaPira says.

As a result, when the political supporters of these lobbyists leave office, the lobbyists themselves become devalued. This is particularly evident in a recent paper by Jordi Blanes y Vidal, Mirko Draka and Christian Fons-Rosen. “Lobbyists with experience serving as a U.S. senator experience a 24 percent drop in earnings after that senator leaves office,” they write. The effect, they say, is immediate and long-lasting, and is consistent with the notion that “lobbyists sell power to powerful politicians.” So when Max Baucus, chairman of the Senate Finance Committee, announced last year that he would not seek another term, it was very bad news for many of his former aides-turned-lobbyists.

And so billions of dollars are spent, often undisclosed, and former political operatives trade on their connections, the study found. But there may be at least some partially good news—lobbyists often don’t get what they want from government.

In graduate school, LaPira helped research the book Lobbying and Policy Change, written by Frank Baumgartner of the University of North Carolina and four other co-authors. It was a massive project that tracked lobbying spending on a variety of issues, and it found that, in LaPira’s words, “the party that spends more doesn’t necessarily win.”

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“In government, politicians have their own motivations,” LaPira says. “They have their own public policy goals, and most importantly, they’re looking to get re-elected.” For a lobbyist, “it’s really hard to get what you want from the government, especially when you multiply it by tens of thousands of other interests trying to do the same thing.”

I’m writing a book about contract revolving door lobbyists. We’re still working on that book, but for this project we’ve taken lobbying disclosures from LDA [Lobbying Disclosure Act] registered lobbyists as our model. I pulled a random sample from it and gave them the names of the student assistants sitting here in my office and Googled them to try to recover as much of their resumes as possible.

But in the process of doing that project, we found that when we looked for lobbyist X in our sample, for example, they would end up in an office next to someone else who was doing similar work. ‘I see, well, that person is not registered. So the question is how common is this? Because most of the media coverage of this – I’m sure you’re familiar with the Tom Daschle loophole. Tom Daschle comes from the hill—he didn’t want to, but he does—gets a job at this law and lobbying firm, which brings in all these clients, brings in millions of dollars—never registers to lobby—and he can do it legally, because he’s a lobbyist at the LDA. was reading the legal definition very carefully.

Therefore, you should spend 20 percent of your time on behalf of the client during the reporting quarter. In other words, think about it, it’s one

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